Daniela Coli’s analysis of the bilateral France-Germany treaty signed in Aachen
The Aachen treaty between France and Germany of 22 January, on the anniversary of the Elysée signed by De Gaulle and Adenauer in Paris in 1963, will arouse in Italy the usual protests against the Franco-German leadership. The bilateral treaty that Macron and Merkel sign on Tuesday is a leap forward in the integration of the two countries for foreign policy, defense, security, the creation of a common economic area. Germany will also have, with French support, a permanent seat at the UN, which Italy has always opposed.
The Franco-German axis was the engine of the EU and Aachen could also like the UK, Sir Dearlove, former MI6 chief, so influential in British politics, who in 2017 explained to Macron how the UK did not want a ‘Europe with too many peoples and too many treaties, and how not all peoples had to adhere to the same treaties. Italy has always been critical of the Franco-German axis, denounces the crisis in Europe, aggravated by the stall on Brexit and even the so-called mainstream newspapers look at Putin and Trump. The current Italian position continues the tradition of foreign policy inaugurated by the famous Prunas operation in 1944: the offer of political space to Soviet Russia, Vishinsky in Salerno, where he also meets Croce, Moscow’s recognition of the Southern Kingdom, the return of the party Communist and Togliatti.
Our diplomacy considered the Prunas operation a success, which put Italy back into play: Togliatti reassured the US that he did not want to make the revolution (nor did Stalin want it) and Italy for a long time think that I have won the peace, because Germany would remain divided and occupied. There is no need to moralize, because in politics and in war the allies always think about how to divide up the spoils and deceive themselves. However, this policy, at least so far, has not led Italy to occupy a prominent position. Due to the anti-French policy (support for Algeria against France) and the Zionist movement against the UK: the British embassy in Rome in 1946 was blown up by Zionists and former republicans. The explosive, as Giuseppe Parlato revealed, was procured by Pino Romualdi.
The clandestine emigration of the Zionists to Palestine, coordinated by Ada Sereni, was aided by the Decima Mas and had an anti-British function. Even today British historians such as Calder Walton and Christopher Andrew remember the British soldiers and diplomats killed by Zionist terrorism and highlight the trauma of the loss of Palestine. Italy has also always had a strongly anti-German policy, because the Republic was founded on the Resistance. After all, Salvini and Di Maio are not so different from the Communists and the Christian Democrats of the first republic. As is well known, German reunification was considered a misfortune by Andreotti and the end of Soviet Russia was a trauma for DC and PCI: think of De Mita, who continued to hope for Soviet Russia to hold on, when by now in London, Paris ,
Machiavelli’s country found itself overturned like a sock in the early 90s, with the traumatic end of the first republic, a kind of regime change not unwelcome to the Americans, who did not tolerate Italian ease in the Mediterranean: not only Sigonella, but also the Gaddafi attacks on US marines in Germany or that of Lockerbie in 1988 with over 300 dead. As Virgilio Ilari observed, Italy had believed it had received from the US a sort of vicariate in the Mediterranean, but it was not so, and the US did not like it. Italy and, therefore, entered the EU and the euro not only with a huge debt, rigging the budgets, but also at a disadvantage in foreign policy.
Berlusconi took part in the war in Iraq, unlike France and Germany, to secure American support, but the decision to invade Libya was made by the United States and since 2011 the loss of Libya, which is important for our exports, has affected our GDP France and Germany built a solid relationship after World War II, of which the Elysée Treaty of 1963 is proof, such as the famous photo Mitterand-Kohl in 1984 for the anniversary of Verdun. The two countries are also rivals, Macron’s European reforms were taken with cautious skepticism by Berlin, but the axis works and the Aachen treaty is proof of it. Moreover, times have changed: the US wants to withdraw from the Middle East and NATO, Russia has signed an agreement with Serbia and accuses Europe of wanting to colonize the Balkans.
The problem of a defense is imposed and Paris and Berlin start the engine. We don’t know how and when Brexit will begin, but Shakespeare’s country, very skilled in setting up new scenarios, seems to want to take it long and, in any case, the situation will not clarify until after the European elections. Angela Merkel immediately proposed a postponement to May, who will present new plans in Brussels. In Italy the “sovereign” parties wish success in the European elections in May and perhaps this would not be unwelcome in Berlin or in Brussels. Precisely, as Sir Dearlove wrote, not all peoples must adhere to the same treaties, nor perhaps all countries are able to stay in the eurozone, as we hear from authoritative German personalities.
The euro is the second largest currency in the world and could also be adopted by non-European countries for trade. With Putin looking to the Balkans, for Berlin, but also for London and Warsaw, Greece is now perhaps more important than Italy: we have seen Merkel in Athens with Tsipras, who could become a new great Greek leader. A point of reference for the Balkans and also for Kurz’s Austria, of the EPP like Merkel, and on good terms with the Arab world and the Russians for OPEC. If the Turks are a historical ally of the Germans, the French and the British have strong friendships in the Middle East. Germany, France and the UK have good trade relations with Asia and could continue the relationship with the United States, even if they leave NATO.
Just think that there is talk of an agreement between Volkswagen and Ford, and perhaps this German-American president always so rude to Merkel, too much, and he too is a big fox. Therefore, Italy, always accused of Machiavellianism, this time may have been too little Machiavellian. After the cold war between Soviet Russia and America, now there is the one between China and the USA, and Italy can no longer play the role of the first decades of the second post-war period in the Mediterranean. And our “sovereignists” should realize that Machiavelli has always known him well everywhere.

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