In the question time at Montecitorio, Mario Draghihe responded piqued to the objections of the Brothers of Italy on the reform of the land registry. Hot matter given that in the Finance Committee the majority split with the whole center-right to vote against and the measure approved with just one vote of difference. In the classroom, no longer in the Chamber but in the Senate where the numbers are more dancers, the danger is that the government will go under. In this case, more than one has said the word resign. But the crisis on the reform of the land registry can be made while the winds of war are raging and the atrocities do not spare anyone, not even the pediatric hospitals; energy supply and at risk; the cost of gasoline is constantly rising and even the signs of economic recovery are starting to run out
We see. The prime minister defined the strongly opposed attitude of Giorgia Meloni ‘s party towards the reform as “emotional” . But he reacted with equal emotion to the accusations of wanting to increase the tax burden: if I say no you should believe me, since this government has earned a credibility in not wanting to raise taxes, was the concept expressed.
Let’s say then that emotionality is not the best attitude in such cases. In fact, when a divisive issue arises in a coalition, all the more so if it is so composite, it is not convenient for anyone to go to the counter, even if emotional. Do not mislead the argument that FdI is out of the majority: in Parliament the votes of Meloni marched hand in hand with those ofSalvini and Berlusconi, causing divergences in the centrists.
Furthermore, because, emotion for emotion, the electoral one in the end is a prize on everything and in all sides. Better dialogue, confrontation and a negotiation that produces an agreement. In fact, after the controversial fireworks, Palazzo Chigi is now trying to mediate to define an acceptable compromise. He should be able to do it. First because, as mentioned, the dangers of slipping in the votes are obvious and, after all, proceeding against Lega and FI is not easy. As a last resort Draghi could place trust by foreclosing the political forces that support him. But apart from the fact that in any case there would be a final vote without trust, the reality is that it would be a very strong gesture of defiance towards an essential piece of the “broad understandings”.
This leads to the second reason that advises negotiation, even to the point of exhaustion. The possibility that the executive comes out with broken bones and really comes to the crisis more than a possible path is a ghost without consistency. In the first place, it is not clear who would concretely make the crisis: not the center-right already defeated and therefore even more so if it were to prevail in the polls. And not even the center-left which, after having exalted stability as a fundamental good, cannot take on the responsibility of smashing everything. The only one who could overturn the table and SuperMario himself who, exhausted by the constant quarrels between the parties, here too could win emotions and go up to the Colle to resign.
What considerations can emerge in such a framework
At present, the usual ones. And that is that there are no alternatives to the Draghi government and those threatened – from the crisis precisely to the early elections – are impracticable and capable of producing dark unrest for the country. That the Prime Minister, having closed the Quirinale game negatively for him, is necessarily nailed to where he is, and has little room for maneuver. However, woe to underestimate the pride of a person who has taken on a terrible task and who is determined to keep his commitments with Europe. And finally that the parties are dragged into the pre-electoral vortex and are not unlikely to be seduced by other assessments. Among which, however, there would be that of being more serious with regard to national and continental emergencies. Whisful thinking, at the moment.
