Few remember that, as Minister of Labor of the last Andreotti government , in the now distant 1991, Franco Marin also grapples with the catchphrase of pensions.
He had taken over the hereditary axis of Donat Cattin after his death: the current of New Forces, with an adjoining role in the command bridge of the White Whale and the ministerial seat.
As a good ex-trade unionist, Marini had no intention of looking for trouble and starting his (promising) debut in politics on such treacherous terrain. Furthermore, the end of the legislature was now in sight and a shrewd politician had to think about afterwards. Guido Carli’s offensive on pensions
However, another “patriarch” got in the way: none other thanGuido Carli , guru of public finance, owner of the Treasury, very worried about having to credit abroad the budget of Paolo Cirino Pomicino , then in the budget department (the super-ministry of the Economy had not yet been established).
Even then, the measures that were taken in the field of pensions “made a premium” on the seriousness of the intentions of governments in terms of public finance. “Either the reform, perhaps by decree or I’m leaving”: thunders the custodian of public accounts and of what little credit we had left on international markets. The work of Minister Marini
Everyone rushed to appease him, but to convince him they had to (it was the month of April 1991) to instruct Marini to present a bill to the Council of Ministers by mid-June. The owner of the Job removed from the archive Rino Formica’s project (previously presented by the socialist minister, his predecessor at Lavoro), reduced it to the essentials (in addition to exceeding the baby pensions of the public service, the only strict measure remained the raising the retirement age to 65 for men and women, while the requirements for seniority treatment were not touched) and believed he had made it. The role of Benvenuto and Uil
Suddenly, the then secretary of Uil, Giorgio Benvenuto, unleash a very hard controversial campaign against his ex-colleague, a war without quarter. It was also thought for no reason, given the moderate contents of the project; when it was realized that Benvenuto was leading (unaware
) of Bettino Craxi, the powerful “lord” of the PSI, who – for reasons that remained mysterious – had decided that this reform should not be carried out, asking to expunge the only serious norm related, in fact, to the raising of the retirement age. The defense of Andreotti Andreottihe defended Marini in (cautious) words, but did not hesitate for a moment to sacrifice his minister’s intentions for the favors of his strongest ally. Thus, in early August, the Council of Ministers approved, more usually, the Marini project “in its general lines”; as if to say with the Poet, “from the waist up”.
The development of the articles was postponed to September (horses are not killed in this
way). Obviously, Bettino’s veto never gives up, showing irreducible obstinacy, to the point of disavowing Claudio Martelli himself , head of the socialist delegation in the government, when I try some kind of mediation that would unblock the impasse. The popularity of Marini thanks to the clash with Craxi
Little by little, the pensions returned to apnea waiting for better times. The theme served to Franco Marini’s electoral campaign, to whom the clash with Craxi had given great popularity in the Christian Democratic base. Marini had a great success in Rome and Lazio, aiming to inherit the electoral dowry of Giulio Andreotti in his own College, after the politician had been appointed senator for life. He did not yet know that that heritage was now written on the water. The new DC rules that touched Marini
In the new legislature (which later became the last of the First Republic) the DC invented the rule of incompatibility between government posts and parliamentary mandates. Franco Marini had no doubts in retaining his seat in the Chamber by renouncing the ministry. The story of the made in Marini pensions, however, later gave some surprises to other protagonists. Marini’s Craxian opponents
Bettino Craxi had charged two socialist leaders to coordinate the war against the Marini project: one was Francesco Forte who was entrusted with the most unpleasant work of the frontal attack; the other was Giuliano Amato. The latter, evidently embarrassed, I try to come up with more refined explanations, low-flying cultural approaches, recycling many clichés of the social security debate, all centered on the need to make the raising of the retirement age “voluntary” (and not mandatory) in the name of the requirement of flexibility. Giuliano Amato’s retaliation for social security
What happened a few months later – when Dr. Sottile became prime minister of an emergency executive, he brutally started the twenty years of social security reforms – and the proof that God exists, that he applies the law of retaliation with severity.

Previous articleBiden speaks from Warsaw: “Putin is a dictator, he cannot remain in power”
Next articleElectronic cigarette and compatible liquids