The case of the coins thrown against Craxi on April 30, 1993, explained by Filippo Facci in his book
The more you read the book by Filippo Facci just published by Marsilio on 30 April 1993, the day of the coins, and all the rest, thrown against Bettino Craxi for a lynching not at all improvised, given the context well reconstructed by the author, well Beyond the metal change provided for a twentieth part by the Missino Teodoro Buontempo, the wave of hatred is more disconcerting than across the country. And that in part still continues to imprison him, 28 years later. And twenty-one from the death of the socialist leader who had dared to challenge the omnipotent self-referentiality of the PCI, not even of the already deceased Palmiro Togliatti, but of Enrico Berlinguer and his followers such as Massimo, rather than the laws on party financing, moreover in good company. D’Alema and Achille Occhetto.
I still wonder how so many people could have all together and for so long literally lost their heads to regret it only in part and after a long time, even at very high levels. As was the institutional one of Giorgio Napolitano: the President of the Chamber who gestures with bureaucratic coldness the famous six votes on the authorizations to proceed against the socialist leader, with mixed results, and waited ten years after Bettino’s death to write a letter on headed paper of the President of the Republic in which to certify, so to speak, the “unequaled harshness” of the treatment reserved judicially, politically and in the media for Craxi. Those little coins and all the rest of the evening of April 30th,
Why that omission, reticence, self-censorship and the like
In a moment of undeserved generosity by my colleagues I thought of an uneasiness for having so abundantly and uncivilely participated in the creation of the necessary climate for that monument to the lynching that was metaphorically raised on the evening of 30 April in front of it. to the Raphael hotel.
Facci wrote, among other things, that that evening “politics died”, to the smallest and not wrongly, because it had already lost much of its luster for some time: at least since 1978 with the management of the kidnapping of Aldo Moro. In defense of whose life, it is no coincidence that Bettino Craxi’s had been the only one or the highest voice raised: even more than Pope Montini. Who had begged “on their knees” those butchers of the Red Brigades to give up the tragic epilogue of the “unconditional” kidnapping, as perhaps the Prime Minister Giulio Andreotti had suggested to him and would have desolately commented Moro himself in one of the last letters from the lair where he was locked up.
Politics survived for 15 years, until 1993, only thanks to Craxi. That the year after Moro’s death, by defrosting the PSI from the freezer in which Francesco De Martino had locked it up in 1976, freed the DC from the chain of relations with the PCI which became suffocating precisely with the Moro tragedy. And I return to somehow guarantee the governability of the country, personally guiding it for four, very tiring years, from 1983 to 1987. He adopted firmness not to let a defenseless leader kill, indeed so badly defended that he could be kidnapped and become a hostage of the red brigades, but to defend – for example – the real value of wages from the galloping inflation that was devouring them amid the indifference of the guardians in the words of the working class or. more generally, of the weaker classes.
The crazed Italy of 1993 was, among other things, well in advance of the times of Beppe Grillo, who let a professor of the Catholic University and “ideologue” of the League like Senator Gianfranco Miglio say with impunity that “the lynching and the form of justice in the highest sense of the word ”. And the suicide of a suspect or a defendant – in harmony with a magistrate like Gerardo D’Ambrosio – is almost the highest form of repentance, or remorse.
Aldo Moro in 1959 had found Miglio in the list of consultants of his predecessor to the secretariat of the DC, Amintore Fanfani. He therefore wanted to meet him and was so shocked by his proposals to change the Constitution in force for only 11 years, with all his guarantee mechanisms, that I give up having other meetings with him. I imagine that in the days of the kidnapping of the Christian Democrat leader, Miglio too was due to the line of firmness contested by the socialist secretary.
Moro and Craxi, as you can see, once again combined, as Do Us in his book, referring to when the British Prime Minister Blair asked Marcello Sorgi why in Italy they had let Craxi die in that way abroad, without allowing him to be treated free in Italy. The former director of the Press replied that the Italian governments had dealt with everyone and everything “except with the red brigades for Moro and with the judiciary for Craxi”. It’s true.
