The Bloc Notes of Michael the Great
In 2000, with the Legislative Decrees n.297, “Rules on the reorganization of the Carabinieri”, and n.298, “Reorganization of the recruitment, the legal status and the advancement of the officers of the Carabinieri “, the Carabinieri had been elevated to the rank of armed force, with autonomous placement within the Ministry of Defense, alongside the Army (of which it was previously part as” first weapon “), the Navy and the Aeronautics.
Subsequently, the Legislative Decree n.66 of 2010, “Code of the Military Order”, confirming its autonomous placement within the Ministry of Defense with the rank of Armed Force, traced its current organizational features. More recently, Legislative Decree No. 177 of 2016, “Provisions on the rationalization of police functions and absorption of the State Forestry Corps”, established the organization for forestry, environmental and agri-food protection. Basically, with the provisions of 2000 and 2010, the functions historically performed by the weapon (defense, security police, judicial police, civil protection) were consolidated in regulatory acts.
“The life of the carabiniere is not easy at all. As if the problems and traumas connected to the risks of the profession were not enough, the carabinieri try to create others by competing with other law enforcement agencies, by searching for new prestigious positions and sectors in which to exercise their authority [… ]; and in a frenetic internal, fratricidal struggle for career advancement […]. The race for a career is accelerated by the system of commendations, which induces the carabinieri of all levels to take initiatives and risks that are not always necessary only to accumulate merits.
Furthermore, always for their careers, they tend to cultivate from the very first service relationships deemed useful for the advancement and granting of praise almost always deserved, but often exaggerated in frequency or motivation thanks to belonging to a consortium of favoritism or to a family, associative and political affinity. To this end, assistance and secretarial positions in political offices are maintained even at the highest levels of rank. In addition to the diffusion of the carabinieri for the tasks of the institute, there is that carried out with elective positions in parliament or in local authorities or with the passage to the prefectural career or the appointment to extraordinary commissioners.
There is no carabiniere who wants to retire peacefully. The belief that their status is permanent (the frogs sewn on the skin) and that the exercise of the power of the weapon is their perpetual duty, leads them to strive (and compromise) to obtain positions even after the service. And even in the case of a brilliant career, early retirement anxiety affects the carabinieri […] about ten years earlier: in that period they are already preparing for the future with friendships and affiliations that guarantee a position at the Court of Auditors, at the Council of State, at the Quirinale, to the presidency of any company or company of the public bandwagon or private undergrowth.
Those who cannot aspire to that much, and who for various reasons leave active service, use the opportunities encountered during the service to take on more rewarding tasks in research bodies, communities, consortia, cooperatives and in local administrative settings. They are often political advisers, security officers of state and private entities, industries and commercial organizations. They are private investigators, judicial consultants and legal experts, collaborators of bankruptcy trustees, justices of the peace, etc. They pass through the civil status positions of NATO and EU bodies; and officers and marshals of the carabinieri are found on the boards of directors of large and small public or private companies.
In every country of the world such diffusion by any ‘category’, but above all military, would constitute a risk for the stability and balance of powers. In Italy it is considered a guarantee “(Fabio Mini,” The guardians of power “, il Mulino, 2014, pp. 178-179. General of the Italian army corps, the author and chief of staff of the NATO command of Southern Europe and commander of the international mission in Kosovo)
The power of the state has historically created its guardians. Sometimes, they identified with the state or even felt superior to the state. It was so for the praetorians, the janissaries, the militias and all the corps which, starting with the imperial eunuchs, have placed themselves as a state. And they all came to a bad end.
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Interviewed by Corriere della Sera, Goffredo Bettini (considered, rightly or wrongly, the strategist of the Democratic Party) said that this is not the time for small but for big politics, the one that knows how to plan and bet on the future. Great. In the present, however, I would be satisfied with the political media, the one symbolized by the reconstruction of the Genoa bridge in record time (beautiful, by the way). That political media that should seize these difficult hours as an unrepeatable opportunity to free companies and markets from an intrusive bureaucracy that suffocates their lives. The political media, moreover, capable of promptly ensuring the workers the Cig, and companies the sums necessary for the resumption of activity. That political media, again, able to unblock construction sites and finally revive the earthquake zones that are still in an indecent comatose state. Finally, the political media that requires public administrations to honor their debts with private individuals. I stop here. I flew low, I know. But, waiting for tomorrow to come to terms with a “blind and inhuman capitalism” [Bettini], let’s try not to disappoint the hopes of the Italians who work and produce today.
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Antivaccinists and conspiracy theorists, sovereignists and “pappalardi” of all kinds are back in the limelight. Beyond its folkloristic aspects, illustrious signatures of major newspapers invite you not to take the phenomenon lightly, a symptom of the social malaise that is smoldering under the ashes of the epidemic. I not only do not underestimate him, but I fear him very much. Because, as Friedrich Schiller said, “the gods themselves fight in vain against stupidity”. The historian Carlo M. Cipolla was also convinced of this, who forty years ago wrote a brilliant and memorable essay on his destructive power. Whether a country – he argues – is on the rise or in decline, whether you consider the classical, medieval, modern or contemporary age, every society has its inevitable percentage of idiots.
But when reasonable people choose to associate with them, perhaps thinking they can better control them, then the damage can become incalculable. In fact, the stupid does not know that he is stupid. This contributes powerfully to give greater strength and effectiveness to his devastating action. Moreover, the stupid – recalls Cipolla – is not inhibited by that feeling that the Anglo-Saxons call “self-consciousness”. Therefore, at any moment, you can abandon your plans without remorse and for no reason. Foolishly, in fact. Also for this reason a government of national unity, which is occasionally invoked by some pious soul, remains the dream of a midsummer night in the Italy of the nostalgic people of Papeete and the revived pitchforks.
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“If a large part of the voters figure on the payroll of the state […] If the members of parliament no longer see themselves as taxpayer agents but representatives of those who receive wages, salaries, subsidies and other benefits taken from public resources, democracy and doomed “(Ludwig von Mises).
Any reference to the Autostrade affair (without forgetting the Alitalia affair) is not purely coincidental.
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In classical culture, black is associated with disastrous days, death, the underworld. In the Judeo-Christian tradition the devil, prince of darkness, is personified in the Ethiopian who, for his “nigredo”, surpasses even the Egyptian, the historical enemy of the chosen people. As “niger puer” the devil introduces himself to Antonio and Gregorio Magno, black and the valley of Dante’s hell. In the “Chanson de Roland” a Saracen, with the significant name of Abyss, and “black as molten pitch”. Let’s hope Black Lives Matter de ‘noantri ignores it. In fact, they would be able to burn the Bible and the texts of ancient Romance literatures.

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