On the President of the French Republic Macron all the big newspapers and most of the politicians from all over the world have taken a colossal mistake from the beginning. But not ItaliaOggi. Here because. The comment of the director of ItaliaOggi, Pierluigi Magnaschi
On the President of the French Republic Emmanuel Macron all the big newspapers and most of the politicians around the world have taken a colossal mistake from the beginning. But not ItaliaOggi who has always painted him for what he was and what he is: a frozen politician, who came out of the great French schools, full of arrogance and devoid of empathy with people. The others, on the other hand, considered him the new politician, not only for France, but also described him as a new model of statesman capable of effectively piloting the troubled countries of this beginning of the third millennium. In Italy, without hesitating for a moment, Renzi took him as his undisputed model. Indeed, overwhelmed by enthusiasm, he even said that Macron had taken as a model himself who in fact had become Italian premier before Macron became the tenant of the Elysée. Macron was not only described as the new politician but was also carried on the shields, his political movement En marche (on the march) was also praised, so lean and so effective, where he commanded only one. En Marche was perceived by all as a healthy turning point with respect to the ossified parties, full of dusty sections and led by poor people used to reciting the same and inconclusive litanies from the First Republic and the Cold War. Even Silvio Berlusconi, on his part, visibly courted Macron perceiving him, on the one hand, as a younger imitator than him,
Now that Macron is disheartened by 80% of the French and is challenged by the movement of the yellow jackets that visibly disputes him on the streets blocking the country without displaying political flags of any kind and even having against the trade union centers, but wearing only the jacket reflector that motorists use to avoid being hit when they walk down the street, commentators insist that this revolt is due, brace yourselves, to the increase of 6.5 euro cents per liter for diesel (which thus reaches 1.5 euro per liter) and 2.9 euro cents per liter for petrol which, in this way, costs 1.64 cents per liter (when in Italy it is easily sold at 1.64).
To say that it was these micro-rises that sparked the square would be like saying that it was the child who entered a dynamite warehouse with a lit match that blew everything up. If it hadn’t been for dynamite, the match wouldn’t have blown anything up, at most it would have burned the unwary boy’s fingers. The protest flared up in France because Macron’s management had produced a lot of dynamite that was just waiting for a trigger to explode.
Before these upheavals, the Macron presidency had already been violently shaken by internal fights and external discontent. It is no coincidence that Macron liked to be called Jupiter, Jupiter, that is, the most powerful of all the gods. The men most faithful to him, being human, could not resist cohabitating with a God, even if from ancient Greece. So Gerard Collomb who was the most important and expert exponent of his government, not only because he is the Minister of the Interior (who is a very powerful figure in France) but also because he was the real creator of the En marche movement, suddenly and resigned from the government, hinting that he was bored. To give an idea of ​​the political shock caused by this resignation, it would be enough to remember that it would be as if, suddenly, Giancarlo Giorgetti,
Shortly before Collomb, the powerful minister of ecological transition Nicolas Hulot had also turned his back on Macron who, in addition to being a well-known TV animator and an esteemed politician, had been specifically chosen by Macron as the new element of the new French government. Even the Elysée protavoce, Bruno Roger-Petit, despite being a Macronian Sansepolcrist, had left slamming the door. The list goes on and on. But even these few examples show that Macron’s machine has long been losing pieces.
And this was and is still happening even if Macron was recently elected, from 7 May 2017. He should therefore still be on his honeymoon with his constituents and with France. In fact, at the time of his election, not only did Macron take a radiant first five-year period for granted but also an inevitable second five-year period. Instead, two years have not yet passed and Macron has already reached the lowest popularity of his predecessor Francois Hollande at the end of his term (ie 20% approval by the French). That was such a low score that Hollande, even though it has never occurred before for an outgoing French president, decided not to run again so as not to be soundly defeated: better to retire than to be kicked out. As was inevitable with that index.
Macron was wrong out of arrogance and greed. Having in hand a country that, in some ways, and like Italy (it has a slightly higher GDP), has bluffed, playing the card of internationalization. He has traveled the world more than a top, passing from one vertex to another and everywhere holding a refined but always inconclusive speech. To find the right words, Macron has even set up a department of writers of his speeches at the Elysée, which can be mobilized instantly. An industry of words. Very flourishing. But a country can play the international role if you have the means to do so. Macron, for example, tried to pull from his Trump, inviting him to the parade from the Champs Elysees when no one was spinning him in the US or abroad. But when Trump, who is essentially a businessman, called on France to honor its commitment to NATO which is equal to 2% of GDP, Macron had to admit that he does not have the money to do so. And then Trump, who does not listen to the speeches (of others), made him fall like a pear. Also when Merkel was strong, Macron challenged her. Now that it is the shadow of itself it clings to it. In short, they are fruit-flavored. And we, unfortunately, with them.
