On 5 December 1746 in Genoa a boy, Giovan Battista Perasso , known as Balilla, threw a stone against an Austrian unit (at the time the Austrians were allied with the Piedmontese), whose commander had forced some commoners to free a bogged down cannon.
That stone to the cry of “ che l’se ” (you want to see that it begins) was the beginning of a revolt that went through the whole city. That boy went down in history with his nickname. ” The children of Italy are called Balilla ” and a verse of the Anthem by Mameli; under this name adolescents were pre-militarized during fascism. Balilla was also a very popular type of car (albeit of a certain level) produced by Fiat in the 1930s.
Surely the throwing of the stone brings luck to the boy; certainly not like the one with which David sent the giant Goliath to the Creator, but I think that Balilla did not expect to pass, with that gesture, into history, even a minor threshing floor. In any case, the liberating “ stone ” has entered the collective imagination, so much so that even pigeons have been bothered since the expression “ throwing a stone into the dovecote ” became the pseudonym of an action that breaks a fake balance and not very transparent.
It will be for the meaning of this metaphor that, in certain environments, the ” stone ” of Matteo Renziagainst the Conte 2 government it was hailed as a gesture of redemption (that is, in fact) and of a new beginning. I don’t think so. Luciano Lama taught me that, in politics, you don’t need to be right, you have to be able to get it right. Criticizing the Conte 2 government is easier than shooting the Red Cross; and certainly the worst of all governments, except for the others possible in this legislature. But the prospect of early elections towards which we are dangerously moving is certainly worse.
At this point, however, it is not a question of denouncing the lack of coherence of Renzi (who was the real king maker of the government to which, in recent days, he took his chair from under the “ magnanimous loins ”). Only fools and alleged moralists cling to these principles which can, indeed must, be waived by a leader who is faced with changing and different contexts. There are other questions to ask Renzi after the unrestrained imposed – by father master – on Italia viva.
Basically, even if in the summer of 2019, Renzi was the first to understand that Matteo Salvini had made a false step and that he could be – unexpectedly – knocked out so much as to impose on a riotous Nicola Zingarettian alliance with the pentastellated super-enemy, Renzi was not at all obliged to give up, now, to his own requests for consistency with that choice. The crux of the matter is different. But to explain our reasoning we need to take a few steps back.
The choice of the senator of Rignano was criticized (especially on the left), but he did not lose heart and replied: “perhaps you preferred the increase in VAT – wrote the former prime minister in his newsletter – the verbal hatred raised to style of government, media reprisals against a few dozen migrants who fled hunger and war, social exploitation against black people, the opacity on the bribes required of the Russians, the permanent electoral campaigns on the beach, the spread to the maximum, the isolation of Italy in Europe, the Roman greetings in the square
Perhaps you preferred full powers to Salvini for five years
. Not me.
And even if humanly and personally it costs me a lot, tomorrow I vote my confidence in the Conte 2 government “. On another occasion Renzi focused on a further reason to explain his decision: “If Salvini and Meloni vote for a pro-Atlantic and pro-Atlantic president, well – underlined Renzi in an interview with Repubblica – but in any case the risk of meet up with an Orban-type Head of State ”. As if the clarification were not enough, the former prime minister insisted on the concept he intended to express: “we sent Salvini home to prevent Italy from becoming sovereign and anti Brussels like Hungary”.
In this last sentence – in summary – the essential reasons are recalled (we could even define them genetic and existential) in the name of which the former premier Matteo Renzibecame the protagonist of the Conte 2 constitution: reasons that were infused into the DNA of that new majority and that government that put red instead of green. The question is: Has Renzi changed – legitimately – his opinion regarding those two priorities
. It would not be said, given that the leader of Italy is alive, in the press conference in which he resigned his silent ministers, he reiterated that never, ever his party allies itself with the sovereign and anti-European right.
Moreover, the first objective has been achieved: Italy has not only become one of the states most aligned with Europe, but the government has played a non-secondary role in defining the Recovery Fund Package, becoming our country the largest beneficiary. Up there in Brussels someone loves us
Above all he fears us, because we are together the front line and the weak link in the battle against sovereignty which, thanks to our gullibility, could regain strength. Hence, the 209 billion not only serve reforms and resilience, but also to contain the resumption of sovereignty today in Italy tomorrow in Europe.
All this when in the US the voters have taken steps to cut off the head of the snake. The Conte 2 government is what was and is but in the Parliament elected in 2018 there are the conditions for a better executive
But above all and really the latter is the priority if Italy is to limit itself to carrying out the tasks that will be assigned to it by Brussels, with a visible marking on the programs and their implementation
No.
The game is not worth the candle. Above all because recourse to early elections would hand over not only the government of the country to the right, but also the management of the Recovery (assuming and not granted that the Salvini-Meloni duo does not manage to reject it) and, alas, the election of a president of the Republic of sovereign coinage. A party that – like the Democratic Party – has embarked on a risky adventure like that of an alliance with the M5S for the sole purpose of guaranteeing – with great effort – the confirmation of a pro-European line (in Brussels and on the Colle in Rome), it must necessarily go to the bottom and achieve those results to regain the confidence of the electorate. If he is caught in the middle of the ford he ends up never reaching the other side and drowning miserably.
This is why Renzi’s initiative – although based on fair criticism – was, in my opinion, irresponsible. But also Conte and the Democratic Party must understand that without recovering an alliance with Iv, the situation will not be able to continue as long as it is still indispensable. In any case, going to elections, losing them and handing over power to the right would be a way – mutatis mutandis – to celebrate, with another sensational error, the centenary of the PCI.
The PSI, after having undergone the split of Livorno on 21 January 1921, the following year, in the first week of October. I celebrate an extraordinary congress in Rome to expel the reformist faction. Giacinto Menotti Serrati, leader of the maximalists, took the train to go to Moscow to communicate the resolution to Lenin and thus obtain admission to the Third Communist International. On the 28th of that same month the Fascists carried out the March on Rome.
