In-depth analysis by Giuseppe Gagliano
Let’s start by specifying that our objective is neither to expose a part of the history of Libya nor the history of relations between Libya and Europe (with particular reference to Italy and France).
Our purpose is much more circumscribed and limited: it is to show readers how countries that are inspired in their constitutions by democratic values ​​and that affirm the sacredness of these – together with respect for human rights – have built in the past as in the present profitable bilateral relations of an economic and military nature with countries whose nature, from a legal and political point of view, is unquestionably authoritarian, like that of the Gaddafi regime in Libya.
The first historical notation that we must formulate is related to the financing initiated in 1971 by Gaddafi to the IRA, naturally with an anti-English function. In this regard, in the 1990s it was discovered that Libya had trained IRA exponents in Libyan military camps, had paid sums of money in the order of tens of millions of dollars, had enriched the Irish arsenals with 10 tons of Czechoslovakian-derived explosives. and with mortars, grenades, etc.
Secondly, Gaddafi gave support, since the 1960s, to various liberation movements including the Popular Front for the Liberation of Oman, the Popular Liberation Movement of Angola, that of the rebels of Colombia and El Salvador and even the Front Polynesian.
The second element that we consider appropriate to underline is related to the drafting of the White Paper which was published in January 1985 by the US State Department on the operations of subversion and destabilization of Libi both in European and non-European countries. In this regard, we think that in October 1985 Gaddafi defended Abu Nidal’s terrorist actions against Zionist nationalism and that in 1980 Gaddafi tried to destabilize Tunisia with a coup d’état.
But certainly one of the most significant episodes – for international implications – was the elimination of the opponents in April 1980 through the popular committee for the elimination of the enemies of the revolution through which Gaddafi will have four traders killed in Rome, a journalist and a lawyer in London, a former diplomat in Bonn, a former police officer in Athens and a restaurant owner in Beirut. Finally, in June another Libyan will be killed in Milan. Altogether about ten opponents will be eliminated who will be defined by Gaddafi as traitors. This initiative mirrors the one that was put in place by the Mossad in 72 after the Munich massacre.
The third aspect, even more significant, is linked to the fact that both the Sid of Gen. Vito Miceli and the Sismi of Gen. Giuseppe Santovito – also through the mediation of Francesco Pazienza – were in very close relations with Libyan intelligence to declare the head of the Libyan secret services Yuones Abulkasen Ali himself. However, regarding the close collaboration between Libyan and Italian intelligence, the statement by General Ambrogio Viviani is of great interest. The latter affirms that from 1970 to 1974 the task of Italy was to save Eni at all costs and for this reason the Italian secret services helped the Libyan leader to defeat the opponents to his regime, to supply it with weapons and to organize an Intelligence service.
The fourth element that we want to bring to the attention of readers is related to the massive investment that Gaddafi will make in armaments from 1972 to 1984. We are talking about a figure between 400 and 500,000 billion lire. As it happens, one of the first countries to supply Libya with weapons will be Italy: only in the 1970s Italy will sell four missile Corvettes to Tripoli, 300 armored vehicles of all kinds, 250 SF-260 aircraft for training and anti-guerrilla warfare, 30 helicopters , 20 G.222 transport aircraft.
Similarly, France will also invest heavily in armaments by supplying 111 Mirage fighters, 12 Magister, 40 helicopters, anti-tank missiles and anti-aircraft missiles. Even Great Britain will sell 240 armored vehicles, a frigate, hundreds of cannons, mortars and anti-tank missiles to Tripoli. Of course, in the context of the Cold War, the USSR will become – starting from 1974 – the largest arms supplier to Libya, followed by Czechoslovakia.
Returning to Italy, it should be remembered that between 1960 and 1970 our country will be the first trading partner in Africa as far as Libya is concerned. As a demonstration of how good relations were with Libya, we think of the fact that in September 1972 a joint-venture was signed on an equal basis between Libya and our oil company Eni and Snam which built the first large Libyan refinery in Tripoli with a capacity of 2 million tons. Certainly among the most important agreements there will be the one signed in February 1974 between the Libyan Prime Minister Jallud and the Italian Prime Minister Mariano Rumor which will be followed by another agreement in September 1974 between the Tripoli government and Agip.
Another agreement of great economic importance will be the one signed in February 1975 when Snam will be entrusted with the task of building a refinery in Tobruk with a processing capacity of 10 million tons of crude oil per year. Precisely in the 70s our construction companies will build houses, sewers and purification plants to the point that in the mid-70s Libya will become a fundamental country for investments for Italy. And in this regard, how can we forget that in December 1976 Gaddafi himself will buy 10% of the shares of Fiat, paying the Turin company 415 million dollars, a payment that will be greeted with satisfaction by the president of Fiat
From a historical point of view, there is no doubt that among those who built excellent relations with Gaddafi in the context of Italian foreign policy, the Christian Democrat Giulio Andreotti will have a decisive role starting from 1978 when he will be at the head of our government. Precisely in November 1978 Andreotti will visit Tripoli where he will be able to consolidate diplomatic and economic relations between Italy and Libya.
Although relations between Italy and Libya have always been characterized by ups and downs – especially in the 1980s – in January 1981 the Minister of Foreign Trade Manca will go to Tripoli to seize an excellent investment opportunity for Italy. : Libya in fact was about to launch the new five-year plan which provided for investments of 500,000 billion lire. 1981 will be the record year for Italian business with Libya: Tripoli will in fact import goods from Italy for a value of 4800 billion.
Despite the very strong tensions in relation to international terrorism, in 1985 a very important contract will be signed with Tripoli with Italiaimpianti and Italsider for a value of 300 billion lire with the aim of creating the centralized management, maintenance and production system of the Misrata steel plant.
Bilateral relations between the Vatican and Libya will be built between 1992 and 1997, culminating on 10 March 97 when Vatican spokesman Joaquin Navarro Valls officially recognizes Libya.
When the embargo against Libya is overcome also thanks to the president of the European commission Romano Prodi, military supplies from Italy and the European Union countries will resume. In this regard, it is significant that the French President Nicolas Sarkozy, after having invited Gaddafi to Paris in December 2007, will sign a memorandum of understanding with Libya not only for the supply of nuclear reactors aimed at powering the desalination plants but also to support the exploration and exploitation of uranium deposits in southern Libya. But this memorandum of understanding will also be an opportunity to set up cooperation in the military field for an amount of approximately 5 billion euros.
Another significant step will be that carried out by Prime Minister Massimo D’Alema in 1999: once again Italy will take advantage of the Libyan five-year plan which provided for an investment of 25,000 billion to build the Wafa-Melitah-Capo Passero pipeline which will Italy 8 billion cubic meters of methane per year.
Let’s now try to draw the sums from this summary review of the cooperation relations between Italy and Libya.
As the authors of the volume (“Gaddafi. The faces of power”, Carocci editore, 2011) have opportunely observed, namely Massimiliano Cricco and Federico Cresti: “The regime of Tripoli is one of the most despotic governments in the Arab world, where for 41 years Gaddafi has monopolized all major decisions in the field of domestic, foreign and economic policy of the country. Still with regard to the Libyan democratic deficit, there is no real political participation; parties are banned and it is impossible for the opposition to organize itself within Libya, as its main exponents have no freedom of speech or of the press and are imprisoned under charges of undermining the foundations of Libyan society. Finally, as regards human rights, the judicial system lacks the requirement of regime independence, and it is often used by the leader to get rid of his political enemies “. (page 104).
At first, it is difficult to deny, from a historical point of view, that a situation of this kind is largely present both in Arab countries and in African countries, starting with Al-Sisi’s Egypt. Therefore, according to the human rights defenders of yesterday and today – not to mention the supporters of irenic pacifism – Italy, like all European countries, should have suspended – yesterday as today – any kind of collaboration with all countries both in the area Middle Eastern and African.
Secondly, on 22 December the Foreign Affairs Commission of the Chamber of Deputies approved a resolution proposed by Yana Chiara Ehm (M5S) and Lia Quartapelle (Pd) which again calls on the government to renew and expand the stop on arms exports to Saudi Arabia. but also to the other states involved in the conflict in Yemen (ie those belonging to the Arab League, including Egypt and the United Arab Emirates), also interrupting the export licenses already authorized.
So if our country had adopted this attitude, for example towards Libya, what repercussions would all this have at an economic level for our country?
Which other European countries would have benefited from the exclusion of our country from any economic relationship with an authoritarian regime such as the Libyan one
Allowing these positions to become politically influential not only constitutes a real threat to the economy of our country but it constitutes an indirect advantage vis-Ã -vis other competing European countries such as France, which would be delighted if Italy interrupted any collaboration relationship with Egypt.
Indeed, if we wanted to be fully coherent with the sacred values ​​and sacred principles of democracy and human rights, our country would have to interrupt all economic relations – and therefore all diplomatic and political relations – even with China and Russia, these nations. which certainly cannot be said to be respectful of democracy and human rights …
Finally, a final observation: within our schools – as in many degree courses – an attitude of intransigent pacifist and moralistic fanaticism is now spreading which instills in our young people the conviction that the export of weapons is in itself a violation of human rights and that having economic partnership relations with countries that do not embrace our democratic values ​​is a real crime both on a moral and legal level. It is not difficult to imagine what will happen when future generations take up prestigious roles in delicate departments such as that of foreign affairs or defense. It is difficult not to imagine the irreparable damage they will cause to the interests of our country.
